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View Video: Malaysian Finance Minister Lim Guan Eng, Secretary-General of the Democratic Action Party welcomes participants to Socdem Asia's 10th Anniversary Celebrations (28-31 August 2019, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia)

Nalina Nair, Women’s Wing State Secretary of the Democratic Action Party (DAP) Malaysia


Indonesia’s first President once said, “Give me a thousand men, I’ll move a mountain. Give me 10 youths, I’ll shake the world.” This well known quote exemplifies the importance of young people in contributing to nation-building. Throughout history, young people have proved to be vital components in changing political landscapes by constantly confronting old ways and bringing in new ideas of reform and progress.

In Southeast Asia, the struggle for independence was fought and led by the youth. In Indonesia, the young Sukarno, Mohammad Hatta and Sutan Sjahrir were at the forefront for Indonesians freedom. General Aung San of Burma and José Rizal of the Philippines, both called ‘Father of Independence’ in the respective countries, were in their 20’s when they fought against imperialism.

The 1MDB trigger

Malaysia obtained independence from British colonialists in 1957, long before Najib Razak became Malaysia’s Prime Minister in April 2009. However, it felt there was another round of struggle for independence in 2010’s. This time, it was to be free from a kleptocratic government, led by an extremely corrupt premier The hegemony of the ruling coalition, the Barisan Nasional (in English, the National Front) led by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) recently brought corruption to new jaw-dropping levels, no thanks to Najib Razak and his cronies.

Investigations on state-owned investment fund, 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) casted an unflattering spotlight on then Prime Minister and Finance Minister NajibRazak. Investigations are not only taking place in Malaysia, but also in other countries such as Australia, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Luxembourg, Seychelles, Singapore, Switzerland, the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It was found that there were irregular transactions amounting to at least $4.2 billion, of which $681 million ended up in Najib Razak’s personal bank account. Dubbed as the ‘Mother of all scandals”, the 1MDB fiasco was just the tip of the iceberg, topping many other corruption scandals that arised during Najib Razak’s tenure.

This eventually led to the #TangkapNajib (directly translated to Seize Najib) rally, organized by a youth activist group called Demi Malaysia (now known as Liga Pemuda Malaysia). Demi Malaysia is led by young Malaysians from various Non-Governmental Organisations, student activists and youth leaders of then opposition parties such as the Democratic Action Party (DAP), The People’s Justice Party (PKR), National Trust Party (Amanah) and the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu). The 2015 peaceful rally demanded for the immediate resignation of Najib Razak as Prime Minister following the 1MDB scandal.

Demi Malaysia spokesperson and one of the country’s most profound youth activists Adam Adli stated that the #TangkapNajib rally set out to “save the country and free the people from continued economic, political and social uncertainty". Demi Malaysia called on youths to participate in the democratic process by participating in the rally, as youths were seen not to have an opportunity to speak in Parliament.

The authorities feared the impact of dissent this youth group would bring. A day before the rally, the police had requested Adam Adli and fellow youth activist Syukri Rezab to discuss about the rally and promised that no arrests would be made. However, the police had nabbed both activists and detained them under the Sedition Act and Section 124(b) of the Penal code for activities deemed detrimental to parliamentary democracy.

Nonetheless, youths marched on the next day, unfazed by the arrests and police warnings. However, the rally was short-lived. A string of arrests occurred as soon as a crowd of 200 or so had gathered. This showed that the voices of Malaysian youths were strong enough to instill fear in Najib and his government, so much so that force was used to silence young dissenting voices.

To nip dissenting voices in the bud with force and injustice was something very common for the Najib administration. Then opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim was made to serve a five-year sentence for sodomy. Malaysia inherited colonial-era British laws, which made sodomy, regardless consensual or not, illegal. This law has been long used to restrict freedom of expression and damage the reputation of political opponents. The conviction of Anwar Ibrahim resulted in the #KitaLawan rally, which saw around 10,000 Malaysians taking to the streets of Kuala Lumpur to call for his release and for Prime Minister Najib Razak to resign. Many who attended the rally were youths, who were the manifestation of the undercurrent of support for reforms and change.

Again, we saw young activists and politicians being arrested and charged for either organising or attending the rally. Youth activists Mandeep Singh and Adam Adli along with young lawmakers Lee Chean Chung and Chang Lih Kang were charged under Section (2)(c) of the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012 for participating and organising a street protest. The following year saw a new wave of student activism. They organised the TangkapMO1 rally which was held in August 2016. These student activists had led over 1,500 protesters, demanding for the arrest of ‘Malaysian Official 1’. Najib Razak was named ‘Malaysian Official 1” in the United States Department of Justice’s 1MDB civil suit.

The consequence was that 4 Universiti Malaya students were found guilty of acting in a manner detrimental and prejudicial to the interests and good reputation of the university, detrimental to public society and violating the university's regulations by organising and participating in the rally. This resulted in the suspension of all 4 students from the university. In opposing the Najib Razak administration, youths did not only mobilise street rallies.

In May 2017, Demi Malaysia organised the 2017 Malaysian Youth Congress (KAMM 2017), the first ever of its kind. KAMM 2017 was attended by over 500 youths from various Backgrounds from every state in Malaysia. The main objective was to collectively discuss where Malaysia ought to be steered in the near future and to have the voices of the vast Malaysian youth to be heard via this platform.The culmination of KAMM 2017 was Deklarasi 13 Mei, a 13-point declaration of Malaysian youths’ aspirations and goals. The 13 resolutions vary from issues on race and class to issues of corruption and the environment.

The 14th General Election saw 1,672,622 new voters, many of them being young voters casting their votes for the very first time. The electorate this time around was relatively young. 17.02 per cent of voters fell in the age group of 21-29, while 30-39 year-olds made up 23.92 per cent. That is a combined total of 40.92 per cent.

However, having registered as a voter does not mean that one will vote. Having such a young electorate, political parties were aware that that they needed to appeal to younger voters and influence these voters to vote for them. With the political structure of Malaysian political parties, having younger leaders securing leadership positions in the central committee or supreme council is not exactly seen as an ideal.

However, there were no less than 28 candidates who were 30 years and below, something unheard of in past general elections. The youngest candidate was 22-year-old law student P. Prabakaran who won the Batu seat. Political parties knew that the hopes and expectations of Malaysian youths needed to be reflected by these young candidates.

Moving forward

Youth participation in Malaysia’s democratic process, be it through activism or politics, has improved since I first dipped my toes in political activism. However, in my opinion, there is still a vast majority of young Malaysians who are oblivious to basic day-to-day governance, are not able to think critically about political and economic issues and are vulnerable to fake news. I find this hazardous in an environment where the current opposition is using race and religion to maliciously further divide multiracial and multi-religious Malaysia.

Perhaps lowering the voting age to 18 years old will encourage more young Malaysians to participate in our democratic process. Currently, the voting age is 21-year-old. During Najib Razak’s tenure, a group of youths kick-started a campaigned called “Undi 18”, seeking to amend Article 119(1) of the Federal Constitution, which governs the voting age. In Malaysia, the age of majority is 18. At 18, the law treats one as an adult. The person can obtain a driving licence and may marry. However, the person is deemed not “matured” enough to vote. In Indonesia, the Philippines and Thailand, the voting age is 18. It is high time that Malaysia catches up and make a progressive amendment to Article 119(1) of the Federal Constitution.

After Pakatan Harapan’s victory during the 14th General Elections, we now have a progressive government in comparison with the previous Barisan Nasional-led administration. Voices of young Malaysians are now being heard more than ever before. For starters, Pakatan Harpan has produced the youngest ever federal federal minister. Youth and Sports Minister Syed Saddiq was 25 years old when he took office. On the other hand, Pakatan Harapan also appointed Yeo Bee Yin as Energy, Green Technology, Science, Climate Change and Environment Minister. At 35 years old, she became the youngest woman minister Malaysia has ever had. It doesn’t stop there. The current government has also given birth to notable young first term elected reps like Lim Yi Wei, Michelle Ng, Young Syefura, Jamaliah Jamaluddin and Sheikh Omar Ali who are State Assemblypersons in their respective states. There is also an increase in numbers of youths in other important roles of governance, such as city councillors and municipal councillors.

Although there are many progressive developments in empowering youths lately, we still need to inspire and empower more young Malaysians to hold decision making positions and to take an active role in the country’s democratic process. Besides giving young Malaysians a stronger voice, there must also be sufficient political education to prepare youths to use this voice effectively and productively.

An initiative called Sekolah Demokrasi has provided a platform where youths can discuss and learn about local government and democracy, parliamentary democracy the electoral system, issues on ethnic relations in Malaysia and current affairs. Another youth empowerment group, University Bangsar Utama  was born out of student activism during the Reformasi period. It is a wide coalition consisting of young pro-democracy activists, environmentalists, artists, animal rights advocates, etc. UBU nurtures a democratic space for discussions on crucial domestic and international political issues via community-based programs, performing arts, film screenings and art exhibitions. Although organisations like Sekolah Demokrasi and Universiti Bangsar Utama are progressive in their aims, ideas and programs, these platforms alone are not extensive enough to reach the majority of young Malaysians of various races and cultural backgrounds. There needs to be more youth groups, especially in non-urban areas to reach the vast youth population.

I am hopeful that Malaysian youths will continue to step up and direct Malaysia to be more progressive in the near future. Without realising, the young had a huge role to play in bringing change of government and we did succeed! In this new Malaysia, youths must continue to be torchbearers of democracy, progressiveness and justice.

____________________________________________________________________________________

Francis Loh, Regime Change in Malaysia: GE 14 and the End of UMNO-BN’s 60-Year Rule,
(Aliran, 2018)

Beate Martin, Go! Young Progressives in South East Asia, (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2005)

Shamim Adam, Laurence Arnold and Yudith Ho, The Story of Malaysia’s 1MDB, the Scandal
That Shook the World of Finance: https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-05-
24/how-malaysia-s-1mdb-scandal-shook-the-financial-world-quicktake

The Malaysian Insider, #TangkapNajib gathering to go on this Saturday despite police
warning https://web.archive.org/web/20150901124531/http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/tangkapnajib-gathering-to-go-on-this-saturday-despite-police-warning

The Malaysian Insider, Activists behind #TangkapNajib rally arrested under Sedition Act:
https://web.archive.org/web/20150902091643/http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/activist-behind-tangkapnajib-rally-arrested-under-sedition-act

The Rakyat Post, Rally outside Sogo short-lived, with several arrests made within half an
hour: http://www.therakyatpost.com/news/2015/08/01/rally-outside-sogo-short-lived-withseveral-arrests-made-within-half-an-hour/

Malay Mail, All you need to know about GE 14 in numbers:
https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2018/05/09/all-you-need-to-know-about-ge14-innumbers/1628878

Malay Mail, Two Bersih leaders, PKR MP freed from 2015 #KitaLawan rally charge:
https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2017/08/28/two-bersih-leaders-pkr-mp-freedfrom-2015-kitalawan-rally-charge/1452481

Malaysiakini, TangkapMO1 Rally Ends with ‘Najib’ Effigy Forced Behind Bars:
http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/353789

Liga Pemuda, Kongres Anak Muda Malaysian 2017:
https://www.demimalaysia.net/kamm2017

Syahredzan Johan, Lowering the voting age to 18:
https://www.thestar.com.my/opinion/online-exclusive/a-humblesubmission/2018/06/25/lowering-the-voting-age-to-18/

Syahredzan Johan, Young people have a key role in GE14:
https://www.thestar.com.my/opinion/columnists/a-humble-submission/2018/04/30/youngpeople-have-a-key-role-in-ge14/

Promoting Social Democratic Thinking, Alternatives and Practices
Approved November 2018

Socdem Asia is a regional grouping of political parties, platforms, and movements who share social democratic values and perspectives and work to combat inequality and ensure human dignity for all. Together we aim to promote the values and practices of social democracy and fight for alternatives to elitist politics and neoliberal capitalist economic organization.

Continuing Democratic Contestation in Asia

Home to more than half the world’s population, Asia a crucial cog in the machine that is globalization. The region’s march along economic integration had not translated into development that is equitable nor inclusive,  even as the region achieved vaunted levels of growth.

The economic growth taking place in Asia is within the dominant framework of neo-liberal, free-market economics.  Asian economies have been marked by the conditionalities of international financial institutions (IFIs), in tandem with national and global elites and transnational corporations aggressively promoting a narrow vision of development centered one-sidedly on GDP growth, investment inflows, trade expansion, and fiscal stability. This often comes at the expense of wiping out entire industries and agriculture across Asia, destroying the region’s natural resources, and working people’s being pushed down into unprecedented levels of poverty and marginalization.

As a result, the peoples of the region have become susceptible to cycles of economic instability, social dislocation, and political disenfranchisement. Such alienation creates an atmosphere of distrust and uncertainty toward institutions which seemingly irresponsive to the said continued cycles. These very real fears now take palpable expression in a wave of populist, autocratic tendencies resurrecting in the region. This wave often ascribe this oppression to the unviability of democracy as the preferred method of governing and have further undermined human rights values in many Asian societies.

Across the region, the  stranglehold  on power by autocrats and despots manifested in its history.  The shifting balance of forces overcome overtime. But throughout the region remains a hotbed for contesting democratic ideals against established or creeping authoritarian forces.

Combating Inequality as a Core Agenda

Globally, the concentration of wealth in the hands of the 1% equal to the bottom 50% of the population shows how the system is rigged against the majority, while the very few enjoy tax breaks, profit from their privilege, while stashing their loot in tax havens or in industries that destroy the environment.

Everywhere -- people of color, women, LGBTs, indigenous peoples, peasants, fisherfolk and workers -- toil to eke out a living for themselves and their families. Incomes continuously drop in real value while the cost of living continue to rise beyond their reach.

Indeed the gaping chasm between the haves and have nots is not a product of choice, nor of destiny. It is the impalpable confluence of systemic, institutional and socio-cultural factors that divide the rich and poor. With its emphasis on others losing so that some may win. Inequality will continue to divide humanity under current unjust capitalist structures. It is then the task of the progressive movement to continually push towards redistribution, uphold dignity for all and address structural roots of inequality.


The capitalist global order has made the world more and more connected, in terms of trade, cultural exchanges and information technology. But it has not made for a more connected world. Where an awareness of what happens beyond the borders of our own countries should help consolidate the global community, the tendency has been to highlight the differences than our shared aspirations. The availability of information ironically has not optimized the translation into deeper awareness and empathy toward others despite differences.

In urban centers around the world the migration of more and more workers looking for jobs has created competition for jobs that are paying lower and lower wages. Elsewhere, the threat of automation is slowly destroying jobs that required manpower, and where jobs may still be present, the gap between what men and women receive also shows a disparity that has not been addressed.

The threat of losing jobs to cheaper labor, or recently to automation;  the vulnerability of migrant labor to xenophobia, abuse and hate crimes, the swim or sink culture of urban centers with the overburdened transportation, housing and health systems are just some of the features of a capitalist system where the rule is to survive the race to the bottom.

Locating Political Alternatives through Principles

Limits of liberal democracy had shown interests of the elite in political and economic structures are still perpetuated. The guise of creating law and order and even electoral exercises to protect individual freedoms does not extend to transformation of society, falling short of emancipatory aspirations. Moreover, in the above dispensation, there is limited recognition that legal and institutional protections of civil, political, social and economic rights are themselves products of citizen’s participation which is needed to protect these institutions from the assault by autocrats and populists. 

On the other hand, communist regimes have only birthed  totalitarian and undemocratic states with one party dictatorships. Their centralized command economies  have also ensured that a layer of party elites have sole access to the economy while the rest of the population are shut out. Such have only served as ammunition for neoliberal and conservative forces to cast suspicion on all progressive and democratic forces on the left.

Socdem Asia thus seeks to establish itself in contrast to these ideological inadequacies.  Socdem Asia upholds freedom, social justice and solidarity as its core principles, with an emphasis on popular participation and equal opportunity to achieve human dignity. We envision a future where structures and people overcome inequality, income is fairly distributed, corporate hegemony is reversed, and solidarity across gender, ethnicity, race, and other socio-political, cultural and even religious affiliations translates into empowerment.

Human rights and democratization

Socdem Asia asserts that democracy and socialism can only be fully realized, not only by reforming the state, but also by mainstreaming human rights and democracy in everyday life, through vibrant civil society and an engaged citizenry. Because despite advances in recognizing human rights in the region, largely through the work of activists, advocates and their networks, enormous challenges remain.

Socdem Asia as a platform seeks to raise issues of human rights violations, push for the rights-based approach to development and poverty eradication, underlined by gender equality and the empowerment of unions.

We believe that all these political struggles must be coupled with the exercise of universal suffrage and the strengthening of political parties, especially where the elites have deliberately withheld the exercise of democratic options. The ballot represents the poor’s most potent offense against the machinations to keep them at the fringes of governance. Political parties must articulate the people’s agenda as they take the parliamentary road to advance and deepen democracy and realize socialism.

Sustainable Development

Socdem Asia looks at development not only as growth in the present but where the welfare of future generations and the ecological balance of the planet are strategically taken into account. We oppose the relentless, short-sighted pursuit of economic growth founded on extractive economic practices that undermine the carrying and regenerative capacity of nature.

We assert that markets cannot be the ultimate arbiter of individuals’ needs. For a region vulnerable to disasters and has seen the rapid loss of watersheds, forest covers and intensified weather events, Socdem Asia asserts the necessity to reverse past mistakes by investing our resources to protecting our biodiversity, mitigating the impact of climate change, and harnessing our political institutions to ensure resilience.

We also stand to work as a coordinated block of political parties and social movements to elicit commitments from governments to ensure the shift to energy democracy and the pursuit of clean technology to provide for the region’s energy needs, away from the destructive options that only contribute to the degradation of the planet.

Social state and universal social protection

Socdem Asia promotes transformative social protection from being “social safety nets” to one that aims to strengthen a social state.  It is such state that provides a broad spectrum of basic social services including health, education, clean water, electricity, humane housing, education, adequate and affordable food for all, and living pension and assistance to vulnerable groups (i.e. elderly, disabled, peasants, unemployed).

To achieve this, we must fight for social spending on important welfare services and programs. We must persuade governments to invest in human development, and curb the corruption that siphons resources away from needed services. Governments must also reform their fiscal policies to free up these resources, bring them closer to their constituents and allow the people a voice in shaping the policies and programs where these investments should go.

We believe that individual states must be committed to achieve full employment, support labor-intensive projects and relief programs to the poor such as conditional cash transfers, which are domestically sourced and sustainable.

Lastly, we commit to engage our respective governments to take concrete steps in shifting away from heavy export-led growth toward asset redistribution and social justice to ensure real inclusive growth and the growth of domestic economies.

People centered Regional Integration

Socdem Asia believes that regionalism requires more than just efforts to opening up markets but the robust and cooperative management of shared concerns among nations, from climate change to food security, poverty eradication, workers’ rights, health and migration.

We also recognize that the shared concerns on respect for sovereignty and the utilization of common resources presents a dilemma that can impact the poorest peoples of Asia. We commit to maximizing the spaces provided by international law, and to work towards peaceful co-existence and mutual cooperation using multilateral platforms that respects sovereign states’ rights to their territories.

We also view with grave concern the rising tide of religious extremism and commit to promote cross-cultural understanding and tolerance through dialogue and cooperation. By bringing the fruits of development closer to the communities, we can deprive extremism with the fertile grounds for recruitment; peoples of various beliefs are able to come together in an atmosphere of mutual respect.

Socdem Asia strives to present a coherent and strategic vision of regional integration that is partial to the region’s peoples through the integrated analysis and action on a combination of human rights, economic, social, gender and climate justice perspectives.

Decent Work, Decent Life

Socdem Asia endeavors to empower the working people by restoring the balance between management and labor, reversing the systematic erosion of labour rights to maximize profits through sub-contractual work, labor flexibility and other onerous arrangements. We aim to protect the rights of migrant workers through the promotion of safe, decent work.

We believe that decent work should stand at the forefront of achieving human dignity and the cornerstone of any democratic society. We support the four pillars of ILO’s Decent Work Agenda: job creation, guaranteeing of employment rights, expansion of social protection, and promotion of social dialogue.

Moving Forward

Socdem Asia takes on the challenge of the times by bringing forth social democratic alternatives to become the consensus for economic development and political participation. We have had enough of neoliberal economic policies that have left the people powerless against private enterprises, global capital, and climate change.

We recognize that the real empowerment of the ordinary people lies in a comprehensive, multi-sectoral, and multilateral approach to local and regional development.

As political parties, politicians, and social movements, we are challenged by the times, now more than ever, to come together to fight a growing tide of populist resurgence and the threats of dictatorship. The political context is unbending to compromise. When politics of extremes seem ascendant, we, progressives, are called upon to articulate our shared vision of an alternative future that combats poverty while the rights of every citizen is protected and promoted. It is a vision of a society where our safety, our well-being, should never have to come at the expense of another human life nor economic relief be attained at the expense of our freedoms.

The task ahead for us is to continue to strengthen a transnational and at the same time nationally-relevant movement in gaining greater clarity on our shared struggles, distill the lessons from our incremental victories, and bring these into our organizing work and inspire us to win more political battles in legislation, elections and transformative governance work.

Our actions as Socdem Asia is rooted in our common analysis of the world in which we operate, but this must always redound to the benefit of multiplying our forces on the ground, elevating the consciousness of our peoples on the ideals we hold and translate these into action that enlightens and empowers.

View PDF - Network for Social Democracy in Asia Activity Highlights 2018

It was a dynamic and productive 2018 for the Network of Social Democracy in Asia (SocDem Asia). Last year, the network has delivered its line up of initiatives and introduced new activities all to further the social democratic agenda in the region.
 
We started the year with convening feminists from all over the region to determine progressive legislation for narrowing the gender gap. We held workshops for policy makers to create more inclusive economies, for parties to embark on more strategic and transformative campaigns, and for young progressives to tackle the bane of populism head on. We explored the possibility of an Asian social welfare model and introduced the essentials for catalytic projects. We built on the knowledge of young leaders from our member-parties and trained them to become skilled electoral campaigners. We welcomed new members to the SocDem Asia family.
 
It was a year of remarkable cooperation with our members and partners from Asia and beyond.  Let’s look back on the SocDem Asia highlights of 2018 as we welcome 2019 with renewed solidarity.

The Democratic Action Party – Socialist Youth (DAPSY), the youth arm of SocDem Asia’s member organisation in Malaysia, recently held their National Congress last 2 December 2018 in Seri Kembangan, Selangor, Malaysia. This was the first national congress after DAP and Pakatan Harapan’s surprise victory against the 60-year Barisal Nasional regime.

SocDem Asia commemorated this occasion by sending 5 of its Political Management Training alumni from the Philippines, Indonesia, and Timor Leste. This enabled them to compare their own party dynamics to that of DAPSY and the current political landscape of Malaysia as well as the role that DAPSY and its leaders occupy in government.

This visit coincided with the Parliamentary and Senate sessions, an event that rarely happens in Malaysia. The PMT Alumni were able to visit the House of Parliament, observe one of the parliamentary debates, and meet with various Senators, Members of Parliament, Deputy Ministers, and Ministers from the Pakatan Harapan coalition who were more than happy to discuss with them about their ministries, key policy proposals, and the role of the youth in politics.

15-20 October 2018 | Pahang, Malaysia

Young members of political parties and progressive organizations will conduct the second and last part of the PMT in Pahang, Malaysia. The PMT, now on its 4th batch, continues on its usual program focusing on important key skills needed for political work. The PMT is designed as a 2-part course for training second line leaders of political parties and organizations in order for them to take on greater responsibilities and strengthen their organizations.

This batch concludes its training in Pahang, Malaysia amid the backdrop of a progressive victory in Malaysia. The last general election in Malaysia proved a watershed moment in the country's history as its opposition forces dealt the Barisan Nasional its first electoral defeat in Malaysian history. With social democrats and progressives, in coalition with other parties, now in power the venue and timing for this PMT is fortuitous. Many of the participants are also preparing for their respective country elections next year.

5-7 October 2018 | Dili, Timor-Leste

The three-day seminar participated by more than twenty youth activists and leaders of Juventude Fretilin, focused on sharing experiences and ideas, as well as new techniques and skills on election campaigning, social media, and ideology. Party members from three of Southeast Asian social democratic parties (Democratic Action Party - Malaysia, NasDem - Indonesia, and Akbayan Party - Philippines) gave Juventude Fretilin activists a glimpse on how political work is done in their respective countries as well as the challenges that progressive politics face in their countries. Juventude Fretilin members also shared Fretilin's experiences, history and current political work to their comrades.

Network of Social Democracy in Asia Statement on the Democratic Action Party and Pakatan Harapan’s electoral victory

SocDem Asia congratulates the Democratic Action Party and Pakatan Harapan on their historic election victory during the recently concluded General Elections in Malaysia. This victory is significant in heralding a new era in Malaysia’s history. The Malaysian people’s overwhelming decision to repudiate the 60-year rule of the Barisan Nasional coalition is a victory of the democratic and progressive forces in Malaysia.

We would also like to note that this landslide victory for Pakatan Harapan is a convergence and culmination of decades of citizens’ movements for reform and good governance. The long journey starting twenty years ago under the banner of ‘Reformasi’ has translated into numerous expressions of citizen involvement and activism. Since then, Malaysia’s independent civil society and democratic forces have painstakingly carved the democratic space needed for this electoral victory. Proof of this is the popular Bersih movement created by this democratic space and a highly politicized generation of young Malaysians.

There is no doubt that Pakatan can govern. Pakatan has a wide bench of leaders who can steer Malaysia to a better future. The challenge is now to actualize their promise of hope for Malaysia. We see no better way to convey this message than the immediate release and political rehabilitation of Anwar Ibrahim along with the prosecution of those involved in the 1MDB scandal.

The incoming government must also be wary of possible attempts by the disgraced coalition Barisan Nasional to thwart reform. Malaysians must work with their newly elected democratic leaders to deepen the reforms in government and to dismantle the vestiges of the old corrupt system. The people have the duty to be vigilant against any attempt to rob them of their victory or steer their country towards a direction that they did not choose.

Lastly, we wish to point out that this electoral victory is a much-needed morale boost for the democratic and progressive forces of Asia. This new dawn for Malaysia is hope that there is a definite end to the darkness enveloping many countries in Asia. These democratic forces must work with the same vigour and hope to confront similar authoritarians.

The despots of Asia must now take notice. The populist and authoritarian tide will be met with a citizen-led surge in the elections, the streets or both.

Their days are numbered.

Duterte’s strongman politics attack women. Women are fighting back.

In a country struck by widespread state-sanctioned killings and political persecution, meet the Filipinas who are leading the resistance against the Duterte dictatorship, on the streets or in the halls of government.

The Duterte era is the worst--and best--time to be a woman in the Philippines.

When President Rodrigo Roa Duterte took power on June 2016, the Philippines has been placed under strongman rule. 20,000 people have been killed under the murderous War on Drugs, a campaign promise that made Duterte a subject of the International Criminal Court’s preliminary examination. Corruption is on the rise while hunger and poverty rates are worsening.

Under these conditions, women bear the brunt of Duterte’s failure to govern. At the height of the killings, women in urban poor communities suspected of selling illegal drugs are gunned down by police or masked gunmen. Most women become widows left to raise a family on their own. In the workforce, women have to endure cruel working conditions with low wages as Duterte surrendered to the capitalists.

The political situation might be dangerous but women are not lying back. When it became obvious that Duterte’s government is unashamedly macho and sexist, women fought back by building the resistance against the killings and political persecution. As Duterte offered 42 virgins to foreign businessmen and ordered the military to shoot women in their vaginas, women have spoken out against Duterte’s misogyny at every turn, stunting the growth of his strongman culture.

Women are not new to the struggle. In times of political unrest, women have always led resistance efforts in Philippine history. From the women revolutionaries of the Katipunan against the Spanish colonizers to the teachers and students during the Marcos dictatorship in the 1970s, women effectively organized grassroots communities and mobilized in great numbers even under oppression.

From the activist nun in grassroot communities to the Supreme Court Chief Justice, here are the women of the resistance: 

Sister Nenet Daño

Sister Nenet Daño of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd is an organizer in San Andres Bukid, Manila. She was one of the first to take the Duterte government to court for Oplan Tokhang, the government’s murderous anti-drugs program. When people in San Andres Bukid fell prey to the killings, she started documenting the cases in her small diary, taking careful details of the names of the dead and the date they were killed.

In a forum organized by Akbayan Party in Quezon City on March, Sr. Daño shared how it was a struggle to get victims to speak up.

“When we started building the case against Tokhang, the families were asking me ‘Sister, who do we run to? We can’t trust anyone now’. They were really scared,” Daño recounted in Filipino. “It was very important for us, and the lawyers who helped us file the case, to go back and immerse with the communities for us to gain the trust of the families.”

“The community were too scared to speak up when their neighbors started getting killed. People from the government kept going around the community, intimidating them from speaking up. So I told the lawyers, you have to immerse in their lives. Wash their dishes with them, help them wash their clothes. They have to trust you,” Daño said.

Sister Daño said that when they filed the case, some of the poor community members told her this was the first time they felt they were important. “You have to really go back to them and visit them all time. Organizing is really important. I realized praying alone doesn’t work, we needed to take action.”

Senator Risa Hontiveros

“Duterte’s first year is a dangerous for woman,” Akbayan Senator Risa Hontiveros wrote on June 2017 as President Duterte had his first State of the Nation Address.

As Duterte’s creeping authoritarianism dropped its mask and became a full-blown dictatorship, Hontiveros, a socialist Senator, stood as one of the most fearless critics of the government in the Senate.

When 17-year old Kian delos Santos became one of the young victims of the police’s War on Drugs, the young witnesses to the slay feared for their lives and refused to seek protection under the Department of Justice, which has been corrupted under Duterte to defend the killings. Senator Hontiveros took the witnesses under her custody, ensuring that their testimonies are free from threats by the government.

Hontiveros was hounded by the Duterte government and its online trolls ever since. President Duterte called Hontiveros stupid on television for taking a swipe at his policy-to-kill. Justice Secretary Vitaliano Aguirre II then unfairly slapped Hontiveros with cases of kidnapping and wiretapping in the most absurd episodes of political harassment against the opposition. Duterte’s massive online propaganda machine have not stopped spreading lies through fake news blogs about Risa ridiculously claiming that she is set to file bills to ban tattoos and bikinis in an effort to discredit her.

This did not silence Hontiveros. She has chosen to fight back, making sure that every strongman policy in the Senate is effectively blocked. During budget season, Hontiveros probed the Masa Masid program of the government which encouraged communities to spy on each other and report suspected drug dealers and users in neighborhood drop-boxes. The Masa Masid program, which could have killed thousands more, was defunded by a move from Hontiveros. She also filed the first alternative against the War on Drugs, a bill that would provide community health centers for people dependent on drugs instead of killing them.

Maria Ressa and the women of Rappler

Maria Ressa, the CEO of Rappler, was the first to ring the alarm against the rise of fake news in the Philippines. In her exposes on Rappler, a social news site based in the Philippines, Ressa wrote about an infrastructure, possibly state-sanctioned, built to deceive the public ‘to intimidate and silence critics’. Fake news blogs started sprouting all over Facebook, confusing the people about the truth to disrupt public discourse. She compared the phenomenon to authoritarian tactics of Russian leader Vladimir Putin and Chinese president Xi Jinping, who have become close allies of Duterte in recent years.

Her reports earned the ire of the Duterte government. In January 2018, the government revoked the license of Rappler to operate over vague accusations of foreign interference. Human rights groups accused Duterte of suppressing media outlets, building the movement to defend press freedom.

Duterte became heavy-handed in thwarting Rappler from putting his office under scrutiny. He started banning Rappler journalist Pia Ranada from covering his events. Ranada has always asked the sharpest questions to Duterte during press conferences, even fearlessly calling him out once for catcalling a female reporter. 

The mostly-women staff of Rappler paved the way for a campaign against government-sponsored lies as they continue to provide fearless journalism.

Senator Leila De Lima

Senator Leila De Lima is the first high-profile political prisoner of President Duterte.

Senator De Lima ran on a campaign of justice “without fear or favor”. When she was the chairperson of the Commission on Human Rights, she launched a probe on Davao City Mayor Duterte, who is considered untouchable in his city despite allegations of mass killings of suspected criminals.

When she started opening the first Senate probes on Duterte’s killings in Davao City, she brought in former cops from Davao who provided testimonies that could have pinned down the president. The allies of Duterte in Senate panicked and quickly removed De Lima as the chairperson of the Senate justice committee, shutting down the investigations effectively.

De Lima faced the worst forms of attacks. After the Senate shakeup, she was politically harassed with trumped-up charges in the Senate, the House of Representatives and in Manila courts.

President Duterte and his allies threatened to show a made-up sex video of De Lima in their parliament hearings, in an effort to sexually vilify the senator. The women’s movement was so enraged with the government’s weaponization of misogyny that they formed Every Woman, a women’s coalition across political persuasions to stop the sexist harassments against the opposition.

De Lima may now be imprisoned by Duterte but she continues to be a vocal critic even behind bars.  De Lima has been awarded for her bravery by different international groups-- the Amnesty International, Foreign Policy and Liberal International-- inspiring a global movement for her release from prison.

Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno

When Duterte started baring his personal list of politicians he accuse of being involved in the drug trade, Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno was defiant, saying that judges on the list don’t have to surrender to authorities without a warrant from local courts.

Duterte did not appreciate Sereno’s statement, saying that “he might lose his cool” if Sereno gets in the way all the time.

Sereno, the first woman to head the Philippine judiciary, did not fall short on her duties and voted against Duterte’s strongman policies in the Supreme Court-- twice. She opposed Duterte’s declaration of Martial Law in Mindanao, which petitioners claim was a dangerous move to open the emergency powers to abuse, and voted against the hero’s burial for dictator Ferdinand Marcos.

Now, the Duterte government is after Chief Justice Sereno in a bid to impeach her from her position. They have accused her of corruption and betrayal of public trust in a series of televised hearings. Duterte’s allies have even questioned her mental capacity, releasing a questionable psychological report in an effort to discredit her.

Chief Justice Sereno, despite facing a surge of attacks against her person, refused to resign. Sereno said that the impeachments moves against her is beyond her position. She is staying to defend democracy and the integrity of the judiciary.

In a March forum with Akbayan Youth, a democratic socialist organization, Sereno said: "The stakes for the rule of law if the evil machinators of the impeachment or the resignation scheme succeed is that no one, not one man, especially not one woman, will be safe in this country,"
"Everyone will have to look for a political patron to save [themselves] from incessant harassment, threats, and bullying," she added.

Conclusion

The Duterte regime has not stopped with its strongman politics. The killings continue, De Lima is still in jail and the judiciary is under attack with its head under threats of impeachment. But with women at the helm, the authoritarian rule of Duterte will find it hard to survive and a growing movement for justice, democracy and human rights will change the system. ###

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Justine Balane is the International Secretary of Akbayan Youth. He was recently elected as Vice President for Asia Pacific of the International Union of Socialist Youth. He coordinates projects and campaigns with youth groups and parties across the world. Email him at justinebalane@gmail.com

Shariza Kamarudin
Programme Manager (Pengurus Program)
Gender Responsive & Participatory Budgeting (GRPB)
PENANG WOMEN’S DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION (PWDC)

Penang is the first State that is implementing the Gender Responsive Budgeting (GRB) in Malaysia. The commitment of the new state government that took over Penang in 2008 in its mission of promoting gender equality and social justice eventually gave rise to the setting up of the Penang Women’s Development Corporation (PWDC) in 2011. PWDC’s vision is to mainstream gender into the policies and programmes of all sectors to achieve gender and social justice in the state of Penang. GRB has become the flagship programme in PWDC. A smart partnership started in 2012 between PWDC and the two local councils – Penang Island City Council and Seberang Perai Municipal Councils to implement GRB in Penang.

The name was then formally changed to Gender Responsive and Participatory Budgeting (GRPB) in 2014 to reflect the due emphasis and importance the two budgeting approaches – GRB and Participatory Budgeting (PB). The GRB methodology analyses decision-making on public expenditure in the context of implications on gender equality and attempts to bring development and changes that will make budgets more gender-equal. The PB model, on the other hand, introduces processes in which citizens can directly influence aspects of budget decision-making. For this, the Penang won a special mention award at the International Observatory on Participatory Democracy in 2014 for its innovative combination of participatory processes with gender responsive measures through community projects. The two local councils in Penang are now in the midst of implementing the Strategic Plan of Action for Institutionalizing GRPB 2016-2018 in their respective institutions.

The GRPB methodology gave people the power to play their roles as active citizens and to become partners – not just beneficiaries – with the local councils, especially in formulating policies and making decisions in the key areas that affect their lives. The methodology comprised four steps. Step one entailed a situational analysis/needs assessment through a survey, focus group discussions or voting on needs and allocations. The survey was a basic demographic survey to gather background data on the context of the project. For the focus group discussions, five groups were consulted to understand the needs of both women and men. These were: children/teenagers (aged 18 and under); youth (aged 19-30); adults (aged 31-55); senior citizens (aged 56 and above); and disabled people. Focus group discussion questions included:

    • What are the issues/problems you experience?
    • Why do these issues/problems occur?
    • How can these issues/problems be resolved?

Residents voted based on a ‘priority needs’ list that emerged from the focus group discussions. Each individual (including residents aged 10 years and above for housing projects) was given ballots to vote for their prioritized items.

Step two used the outcomes of step one for planning and budgeting. Decisions were based on project feasibility, technical considerations and budget availability.

Step three was the implementation of the project, and in step four the project was monitored and evaluated. Community representatives including women and young men were involved in the process of implementing GRPB in Penang, assisting in the survey and mobilizing people to attend focus group discussions and to vote.

GRPB processes can be challenging especially to bring people together and make sure there are representations of women and men with different background in community to be part of the process. However, this participatory approach to planning for a project provides the respondent stakeholders with a sense of ownership and become agents of change.