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With the overburdened hospitals seen during the COVID-19 pandemic, the Philippine situation highlights the need to adopt bold health reforms that reimagine the role of communities in addressing public health threats

Healthcare in the Philippines has always been strongly associated with hospitals. With COVID-19 pandemic overwhelming the capacity of our medical centers, redirecting the focus of our interventions to the communities is of paramount importance.

Factors such as good governance, public investment, and political will are known to influence a country’s health system. However, engaging communities to address public health threats are often times overlooked thus not maximized. The sooner we realize that communities are potent and strategic points for health interventions, the sooner we will have a more efficient and equitable health system.

In the Philippines, the hospitals serve as the first point of contact for people with illness regardless of its severity. Eventually, this results to disproportionate utilization of specialists’ services as primary healthcare is bypassed. In this COVID-19 pandemic which regarded judicious use of manpower and resources as a necessity, challenges abound in relation to implementation of gatekeeping mechanisms and observance of referral protocols. This situation supports the idea that an efficient health system demands that citizens understand how to engage it and how undue use of resources may spell life and death for another person.

At the national level, the Department of Health (DOH) expanded testing, procured more personal protective equipment, streamlined data collection and management, and are currently exploring public-private hospital partnerships. As the number of COVID-19 cases continue to rise, the burden of addressing the pandemic shifted from the national government to the local government units (LGUs) while patients who are usually managed in institutions are now being monitored in the communities. Since healthcare is decentralized in the Philippines, this means that LGUs have varying level of preparedness in handling the situation.

However, what is still unclear with the current initiatives is the participation of the community in the COVID-response.

Participatory identification of health concerns

In the past few weeks, the public has been bombarded with reminders such as handwashing and observance of physical distancing. Beyond these individual interventions, the need for collective responses to the pandemic must be underscored. As communities are deemed experts in their own varied experiences, they are in the best position to identify their needs. LGUs should institutionalize participatory mechanisms in crafting its own COVID response plan This is to ensure that the plan is not just comprehensive but implementable and acceptable to the community as well.

Healthcare viewed from the lens of the neglected and unseen

Health of marginalized and unseen groups should not be an afterthought in any health response. These groups include the poor and homeless, people deprived of liberty, and those confined in psychiatric institutions among others. The right to health should not be compromised by one’s socioeconomic status. A community of solidarity can act as a safeguard to ensure equity concerning these marginalized groups. The barometers for the effectiveness of our public health programs should be recalibrated and evaluated according to how well we make halth care accessible to the often neglected and unseen.

Democratization of health as the way forward

The COVID pandemic ripened the opportunities for systemic health reforms and active citizenship to address public health concerns. The post-pandemic agenda should still be focused on strengthening the health system by addressing the inequities in the six building blocks of health (manpower, infrastructure, etc) and adopting an all-of-government and all-of-society approach to address the social determinants of health. On top of those, serious conversations on integration of data science and technology in healthcare, promotion of welfare of health professionals, and increasing the state’s responsibility for the health of its citizens must be prioritized.

All these system improvements must contribute to the realization of a democratized health system grounded on solidarity where the community recognizes its role as frontliners in addressing health concerns. Initial steps include increasing capacity of the general public so they can perform basic and essential health interventions, developing programs that encourage task-shifting (devolution of specialist tasks to non-specialists), and adopting policies that place equal emphasis on community and institution-based care.

Once we increase the agency of people to take care of themselves and stretch their understanding that the responsibility to care for others is a moral responsibility, the health system will be better prepared to address future public health threats.

This article first appeared on Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Philippines.

(The Network for Social Democracy in Asia's statement on the Constitutional Court of Thailand's decision to dissolve the Future Forward Party and to bar its leaders from participating in politics.)

The Network for Social Democracy in Asia deplores the decision taken by the Constitutional Court of Thailand to dissolve the Future Forward Party and to ban its leaders from participating in politics for 10 years. We stand in solidarity with the Future Forward Party, a member party of the network, in the face of this blatant repression.

This decision can only be construed in the context of the Military establishment’s tightening grip on power and their quest to quash any and all dissent. Now, the country’s military rulers have decided that even a severely restricted opposition party cannot be tolerated.

We commend the leaders and members of the Future Forward Party for bravely pushing the limits of the political establishment by joining the calls of the Thai people for the restoration of democracy, respect for human rights and civil liberties. We are proud to call them fellow comrades in the struggle for freedom and democracy. Despite the legal hurdles set up against them, the Future Forward Party succeeded in becoming the third largest political party inside the House of Representatives of Thailand in its first election. This a reflection of the growing discontent with the military establishment’s repression of democracy.

We stand vigilant with the Thai people in protecting democracy in Thailand and in strongly pushing the limits that restrict democratic citizens’ participation in politics. We urge the Thai people to remain steadfast in their commitment to democracy as it is now becoming more obvious that the military establishment has no interest on keeping the façade of parliamentary democracy, much less respecting the independence of its political institutions. The citizenry has the responsibility to prevent the complete elimination of any vestiges of democracy. If their voice is silenced through banning their legally elected representatives and political parties, then they must make their redress through other democratic and nonviolent forms of struggle.

Keynote speech by Lim Guan Eng
SocDem Asia 10th Anniversary “Breaking Through: A Decade of Social Democratic Struggles and Victories”
29-31 August 2019 / Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

Dear friends, or more affectionately in Malay, rakan-rakan seperjuangan,

I want to thank SocDem Asia for bringing us together under the auspices of celebrating democracy in Asia.

It is remarkable that in this room we have so much linguistic diversity and cultural differences, but the democratic spirit is still our common denominator and our shared language of struggle. Your attendance today proves that it cuts across any language, cultural and geographical barriers.

Our SocDem alliance is now a decade-old. In addition to the public faces of SocDem Asia, the people who have laboured silently behind the scenes to maintain our alliance deserve to be recognised: Marlon, Nando, Ana, Shenna, Carlo, Ranee and Mian. Let’s give them a round of applause.

Since we first decided to come together in 2009 in a show of solidarity, we have grown from an initial nine member-parties to fourteen currently, with many more eager to join. Let us work hand-in-hand to keep this momentum going. 

Prior to the founding of this movement, it hasn’t been a smooth-sailing journey for some of us. Throughout the 1990s into the mid-2000s, DAP was an embattled party on many fronts. I myself was jailed in 1998 on false charges that is possible only when an authoritarian state has access to unchecked power.

Between the years 1990 to 2004, DAP’s parliamentary strength was slowly chipped away. For a while, it seemed like the dreams of democracy was losing its life in Malaysia. But suddenly, decades of grassroots organising, and our steadfast belief in our principles was noticed by the people. After 2008, when we first won state power, we doubled down on our beliefs, working immediately to correct the unspeakable horrors of authoritarianism. In the last decade, although it was an uphill battle to unseat a 52 year-old regime that was suffocating my country, we managed to pull off the seemingly impossible.

I am recounting these experiences not because I am contented with looking towards the past on a job well done. While we certainly have made the successful transition into democracy, we have only just begun the critical work of rebuilding it. My party’s past struggles are historical footnotes compared to the work that we have to do to secure a socially just world for generations to come.

In today’s infinitely more complex world, we need to kickstart an honest conversation on how to make democracy relevant to the socio-political challenges of today.

After all, the young democrats of tomorrow will inherit a world that is more polarised, where work is precarious, and where the routes to middle-class status is diminishing. All of these have reduced people’s faith in democracy. In its place, people have turned to populist visions that offer no real political alternatives, except a convenient avenue for scapegoating, for anger to be vented but not resolved. The result is deepening social divisions while the urgent problems we have to confront remain intact.

How do we work against this rising tide of fringe forces tearing apart our social fabric? These challenges call for leaders who can offer political alternatives to the status quo. It is time to put what we have discussed in the past ten years into action. Only a social democratic agenda that emphasises social justice, sustainable development and progressive ideas at its core can heal our divided societies. In short, a new social democratic contract for the people is needed.

This renewed social democratic contract will have to respond first and foremost to the governance gap we have in the area of work. By this, I am referring to the increasing role that technology has to play in the workplace. The future of work need not be a fatalistic vision of technology overtaking human labour. As long as we take active steps to prepare our workforce for these technological disruptions, as well as ensure that opportunities for lifelong learning are accessible to all, technology can be easily be harnessed for good.

But world leaders must come to a reckoning that technology’s benefits will not be evenly distributed, no matter how much we prepare our people for the rise of the digital economy. The tech utopia is a myth we can ill-afford. They are those bound to be left behind in a world where digital growth is concentrated in a segment of society. For this, only the traditional instruments of taxation and redistribution can reduce the digital divide. I am very proud to say that Malaysia will be a pioneer country when we plan to introduce a digital taxation plan in 2020. In this way, the taxes will spread the benefits of growth across our society, supporting old economic functions while encouraging them to upgrade. Digital taxes must sustain part of the old economy so that we can engineer a gentler, softer and kinder landing for those left behind.

What I have outlined thus far is what I like to call putting the people’s economy back into the growth agenda. This new social democratic contract that we offer as an alternative to populism will enshrine a more humanistic vision of development at the core of our governance philosophy. Increasingly we must recognise that populist sentiments have roots in the growing job insecurity of the people as traditional patterns of work are disrupted. This restructuring of the economy is compounded by the fact that globally economic recovery has primarily been concentrated in the hands of a select few, leaving many working people behind. Our social democratic vision must work hard to broaden the terms of social inclusion and put people’s wellbeing at the heart of the policies we formulate.

I am proud to announce that one of the signature measures the Harapan coalition implemented once in power was to introduce a free insurance scheme. Through this programme, we offer protection for critical illnesses for the less privileged. We recognise the people’s hardship and we will work towards improving the working people’s living conditions.

The ‘people’s economy’ will not be complete without the broad participation of all segments of society. What I am offering as a new social democratic alternative is not just piecemeal measures to make the lives of the working people more bearable. These are mere ‘band-aid’ policies that will not correct the worst effects of unchecked growth. Though this might seem far-fetched now, I hope that all segments of society will work together to put in place a more humane social system.

What does this mean? This means that the private sector will have to put its people’s wellbeing and skills first. For example, employers have to make its workplace friendly to women and prioritise its own people’s talent development. Afterall, a well cared-for workforce is a productive workforce. It also means that the government will play a guiding role, ensuring that healthy economic growth is equitably distributed to all. No longer can the state take a backseat in these developments. Rather, as representatives of the people, we play an important role in making sure the interests of the people prevail at the end.

The final piece of the puzzle in this social democratic alternative is better communication between government and its people. Increasingly, all democracies face the problem of a perceived democratic deficit. Populists have concentrated their critiques on the supposed neglect of political elites for the common people. Such negative perceptions have only made governing harder, as each positive legislation we introduce for the people is drowned out by a distracting chorus of anger and divisive sentiments. There is no denying that in the face of a proliferating number of new and traditional media, we face new problems of communicating to the people.

Social democrats have to re-energise the traditional institutions of democratic representation, ensuring that these channels of communication between government and the people are constantly open. Only then can the government continually function as an effective mediator of the people’s interests. At the same time, we have to keep up with the times, investing in new digital media that reduces the distance between government and the people we serve. At all times, we will have to communicate a message of hope and solidarity in order to drown out the vitriol and hatred of extremist forces.

I am confident that at the end of the day, our social democratic agenda is the most feasible and just plan for our citizens. Finally, before I end my speech, I would like to congratulate all for making SocDem Asia a success for the past ten years. Together, we will make it relevant for ten and twenty years more. Thank you so much.



Lim Guan Eng,
Secretary-General, DAP Malaysia
Minister for Finance
NOW

View PDF - Resolution against Political Persecution of Philippine Opposition Leaders and in support of UN Probe on drug-related killings in the Philippines

1. The Philippines is experiencing the worst human rights crisis since the Martial Law era according to the Human Rights Watch¹. The president’s campaign against drugs have led to a staggering number of drug-related killings, estimated by government to be at 5,500, and with rights groups estimating the number can be as high as 27,000 – including those killed by masked vigilantes². 

2. The blatant disregard for human rights in the country have led to a culture of impunity and has emboldened more violence and human rights abuses. Politically motivated killings of labor leaders, environmentalists, journalists and human rights defenders have been on the rise, with the Philippines consistently ranking most dangerous country for civilians, journalists and human rights defenders³.

3. The UN Human Rights Council on 12 July 2019 approved a resolution led by Iceland, along with 27 other countries, calling on UN Rights Chief Michelle Bachelet to write a comprehensive report on the human rights crisis in the Philippines within a year.⁴  The resolution was passed in recognition that national institutions have failed to investigate and ensure accountability for the staggering levels of human rights abuses.

4. The Philippine government have not only failed in exacting accountability and addressing the extra-judicial killings (EJKs), the administration have consistently employed legal acrobatics to persecute opposition leaders, rights groups, media organizations and individuals in an effort to silence any dissent to the government’s anti-human rights policies. Some notable cases include the imprisonment of opposition senator Leila De Lima who has been in jail for over 900 days at present, the unconstitutional removal of Supreme Court Chief Justice Lourdes Sereno, to the multiple cases filed against, and subsequent arrests of journalist Maria Ressa.

5. Most recently, the Philippine National Police – Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (PNP-CIDG) filed a sedition case against Akbayan Senator Risa Hontiveros, chairperson of one of Socdem Asia’s founding member organizations, along with Vice President Robredo and 36 other opposition and civil society leaders⁵.

6. SOCDEM Asia demands the Philippine government to immediately put a stop the bloody war on drugs, exact accountability for the on the massive killings under the current administration and heed calls from the international community for a meaningful investigation into the current human rights crisis.

7. SOCDEM Asia supports the resolution sponsored by Iceland, adopted by the UN HRC and the subsequent by the UN to probe on the human rights abuses in the Philippines.

8. SOCDEM Asia condemns the trumped-up sedition cases against Akbayan Senator Risa Hontivoros and other opposition and civil society leaders as another effort to cripple the opposition and silence those critical of the government. 

9. SOCDEM Asia stands in solidarity with the Filipino people, especially those targeted by Duterte’s war on drugs and political persecution, and joins the international community in shedding light and calling for justice on the worsening human rights crisis in the Philippines.

Adopted this 29th of August 2019.
_____________________________________________

¹https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2018/country-chapters/philippines
 
²https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/235775-why-iceland-led-un-resolution-drug-war-killings-philippines
 
³https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2019/07/30/1939189/philippines-most-dangerous-land-environment-defenders-2018-watchdog, https://www.rappler.com/nation/234659-philippines-one-most-dangerous-places-civilians-think-tank-findings, https://www.rappler.com/nation/191744-philippines-deadliest-country-journalists-asia-reporters-without-borders-2017-report
 
⁴https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/07/approves-resolution-probe-duterte-war-drugs-190711111144270.html.
 
⁵https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1143721/hontiveros-on-sedition-raps-badly-written-telenovela

View PDF - Breaking through the future, the future is Social Democracy!
 

Ten years ago, social democratic and progressive parties formed the Network of Social Democracy Asia (Socdem Asia) to promote social democratic thinking, practices and alternatives. Since then it is the only dynamic platform for democratic Left parties forging for a social democratic future in the region.

Knowing fully well the huge challenges that progressives faced, our movement strives to create democratic spaces in undemocratic regimes or have sought to expand these democratic spaces where they existed. Where poverty and exclusion reside, we work to challenge and change the conditions and systems that underpin marginalization of people.

The region has witnessed tremendous changes. Progressives are making democracy work by strengthening the institutions which are fundamental to democracy’s success and by engaging a more active citizenry to take part in governance. Nonetheless, we recognize the shrinking spaces in many Asian countries as we see a pushback from undemocratic forces. We understand that this reaction is rooted in the ruling political and economic establishments’ desire to reassert itself and erode all reforms which challenge inequality and tyranny. Our promise is to relentlessly fight.

Truly, much work has still to be done. The old structural battles of a decade ago are still the same structural battles we pursue today. Inequality in all its forms whether based on race, gender, income, or ethnicity, persists. While Asia now serves as the main engine of economic growth, the economic benefits that the majority of the people receive are not commensurate to their labor and sacrifices. Most of this growth has been captured by a wealthy and powerful minority. Also present are old cultural and social values and institutions which serve as barriers for greater gender and racial equality.

Solutions to these existing problems continue to elude us as we see an unprecedented aggression of unregulated capital. We recommit ourselves to the principle of the primacy of labor over capital. Because we see labor as the true creators of wealth, we will strive to institutionalize pro-labor social protection policies to thwart the ever-growing threat of precariousness to the working people. The changing dynamics and nature of work means a growing unease anxiety among the working peoples of Asia. As social democrats it is our historic duty to use the levers of power to ensure that Asian workers adapt to the new economy and in fact thrive under such conditions.

At the core of our beliefs is the fundamental centrality of human rights. We are aware that human rights are under attack in the region by tyrants and corporate power. At the same time, we must end all forms of discrimination and prejudice which exist to marginalize people. Our duty is to strengthen existing domestic and national protections for human rights and equally push for protections for our people’s social, economic, political, civil, and cultural rights. We will also work to strengthen regional and international instruments to protect human rights.

While we battle longstanding social, political and economic problems we must address new challenges. The phenomenon of populism serves as a potent force that can unravel the democratic gains we have achieved. In fact, in some countries, it has already unraveled much of the gains that we have pushed for.

Also, on the horizon is the fast-changing 21st century economy. Uncertainties in the fields of automation and artificial intelligence hang above us. Without an appropriate response, these can push people to cynicism and insecurity. Such scenarios are opportunities for authoritarianism and populism to reach a broader audience.

Also facing us is the existential threat of climate change. The scientific evidence shows that humanity has a short period to reorient its economic and political system to address this crisis. We, as humans, have the collective responsibility to undo the causes of climate change and other man-made damage to the environment. This huge challenge necessitates bold collective leadership and big ideas to thwart this catastrophe. We need a reorientation of our fossil-fuel dependent energy systems towards carbon-neutral, safe, renewable, and accessible energy resources under a plan of just energy transition that ensured that people are able to adapt to these new energy systems. More importantly, we must reshape our economies to become more sustainable, just, and equitable because the existing economic systems that created tremendous wealth have also created tremendous pollution, environmental destruction, and inequality.

Social democracy as a movement must capture the momentum and imagination of a future generation which has seen politics and governance as distant to their daily lives. Young people are less interested in the work of politics and governance, especially joining political parties. This growing chasm between the people and their representatives in government must be addressed head on. As such, we as social democrats must represent the people, especially young people in the truest sense of representation. This means opening our discourse of social democracy and our social democratic parties to the people. Young people must be part of all levels of leadership in our movement today. We, as social democratic parties, invest in young people because they are part of our struggle today, not tomorrow.

We look to the future with hope and hold this currency to break elitism, exploitation and deception that maintain the status quo.

We believe in the principle of international solidarity. We have built this Network as the actualization of this principle as a platform for social democrats and progressive to bring more people to our movements and causes. We must also engage existing regional institutions such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and transform these institutions from regional arrangements for trade and economic integration into institutions that can promote and protect the rights and wellbeing of the peoples in these regions. This requires strengthening regional human rights bodies and pushing for mechanisms to standardize and benchmark decent living conditions which are complementary to poverty measures and growth measures. This means working with civil society and mass movements to push for these reforms to create a Social ASEAN and a Social SAARC.

Social democrats, socialists, and progressives must be the leading force for equity in Asia. Our victories in capturing political power must translate into actual programs that benefit all peoples.

As it stands, our movement is breaking through and building greater influence in local governments, national parliaments; it is helping to capacitate grassroots-based political organizations, pioneering policies in the fields of welfare, breaking racial and ethnic barriers and championing human rights. These are hard earned victories rooted in the struggles of the past. And now, we have the momentum of our struggles in the present time to help us overcome new obstacles.

We will continue to strive to build more decent and equitable societies through the multiple channels of struggle our parties are involved whether in the field of policy-making, local governance, political opposition, mass movements, and civil society cooperation. We work for the expansion of democracy beyond the structural limitations in our respective countries be they autocratic states or liberal democracies

We reaffirm our rootedness to our strong values and the pillars of our programme. Our commitment is to freedom, social justice, and solidarity emphasizing popular participation and equal opportunity to achieve human dignity. We envision a future where structure and people overcome inequality, income is fairly distributed, corporate hegemony is reversed, and solidarity across gender, ethnicity, race, and other social-political, cultural, and religious affiliations translates into empowerment.

Our struggle is to realize and defend human rights, sustainable development, the creation of the Social State, people-centered regional integration, and decent work and life for working peoples remain the engine of our movement.

We forge cooperation with all who seek greater freedom and democracy around the world. Recognizing the common and shared challenges, we will continue to mount global resistance and create borderless solutions to these problems.

As social democrats, we are building the case for the social democratic alternative, an alternative to neoliberal economics, authoritarian rule and unequal social relations. The challenge is to make it the most viable model for our societies of the future.

We will win this social democratic future with the people in the front and center of our movement.

View PDF - Resolution calling for Global Action to address Climate Crisis

1. Nations worldwide agreed to keep global temperatures to below 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrialized levels to avoid the most severe impacts of a changing climate through the Paris Agreement, adopted in the Conference of Parties (COP) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) at its 21st Session in Paris, France in 2015.

2. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) released in 2018, their “Special Report on Global Warming of 1.5 ºC”, that concluded that: “human activities are estimated to have caused approximately 1.0°C of global warming above pre-industrial levels” and that such target can be achieved only through global reductions in greenhouse gas emissions from human sources of 40 to 60 percent from 2010 levels by 2030, and net-zero global emissions by 2050, through “rapid and far-reaching transitions in energy, land, urban and infrastructure, and industrial systems.¹ ”

3. Secretary-General António Guterres in his address to the UN General Assembly in 2018 said: “Climate change is moving faster than we are² .” The unprecedented global warming has already led to the rise in sea levels and a marked increase in extreme weather events – from Super typhoons, droughts, wildfires, and subsequent damage to human lives, infrastructure and ecosystems.   

4. In the past three decades, global warming has continued unabated, with some reports of acceleration in sea-level rise. Emissions of greenhouse gases due to human activities, the root cause of global warming, continue to increase, year after year. If it continues to increase at the current rate, global warming will likely to reach 1.5°C between 2030 and 2052.

5. SOCDEM Asia underscores that the current climate crisis is the result of unhampered capitalism and neo-liberalism: the commodification of the environment for the sake of growth and profit of a few. Overconsumption and unsustainable levels of production and fossil fuel extraction has caused far-reaching and devastating impacts on the environment.

6. SOCDEM Asia laments how climate change further deepens the inequalities and injustices of the neo-liberal system, disproportionately exposing vulnerable groups, especially those who least contributed to greenhouse gas emissions, to various threats in terms of their “health, livelihoods, food security, water supply, human security, and economic growth”. These include indigenous peoples, migrant communities, rural and coastal communities, low-income worker, poor households, citizens of developing nations and underprivileged racial communities, women and youth.

7. SOCDEM Asia recognizes that Asia and the Pacific will bear greater impact of climate change, with 7 out of 10 nations most affected by climate change and natural disasters coming from the region. Over 60 percent of the regions’ population work in agriculture, forestry and fisheries, the sectors which will be most affected by climate change, leading to mass migration, loss of life and livelihood.

8. SOCDEM Asia echoes the need for an immediate global and multi-lateral response to the climate crisis that is committed to changing the exploitative system that the neo-liberal economy currently champions, in favor of a more socially and environmentally just solution.

9. SOCDEM Asia calls on all governments, political parties, national and international bodies to put on top of the agenda the climate crisis, immediately respond to the forest fires that are consuming huge areas of the Amazon rainforest and the melting of glaciers at an alarming rate, immediately put in place measures towards net-zero emissions of greenhouse gases by the year 2050.

10. SOCDEM Asia calls on all stakeholders to address the impending climate crisis both as a sustainable development issue, and as a function of inequality and poverty eradication; to Alternate systems of production, such as circular economies that ensures reuse and/or prevention of industrial wastes; a fair and just energy transition towards 100 percent renewable energy; and, building resilient communities and facilitating mitigation and adaptation planning for most vulnerable groups and ecosystems.

11. SOCDEM Asia calls for global and multilateral climate action and international solidarity, underscoring international cooperation as a critical factor in achieving climate justice in between developed and developing nations/regions and communities. This includes strengthening capacities and commitments of national, subnational governments, civil society, the business sector and vulnerable communities. All hands-on deck, for climate action now!

Adopted this 29th of August 2019.
___________________________________________

¹IPCC, 2018: Summary for Policymakers. In: Global Warming of 1.5°C. An IPCC Special Report on the impacts of global warming of 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels and related global greenhouse gas emission pathways, in the context of strengthening the global response to the threat of climate change, sustainable development, and efforts to eradicate poverty [Masson-Delmotte, V., P. Zhai, H.-O. Pörtner, D. Roberts, J. Skea, P.R. Shukla, A. Pirani, W. Moufouma-Okia, C. Péan, R. Pidcock, S. Connors, J.B.R. Matthews, Y. Chen, X. Zhou, M.I. Gomis, E. Lonnoy, T. Maycock, M. Tignor, and T. Waterfield (eds.)]. In Press.
 
²CLIMATE ACTION NOW, Summary for Policymakers UNFCCC 2018

View PDF - A Resolution on Political Repression and Human Rights Violations in Thailand

On 20 May 2014, the state military deposed the government of Thailand, imposed Martial Law nationwide in a successful military coup led by General Prayuth Chan-ocha, outlawed political activity and cracked down on peaceful opposition to martial rule or criticism of its policies.

Despite initially proclaiming that the elections would likely take place around the end of 2015, the military junta, hanging on to powers, has delayed the elections for several times until early 2019.

On 6 April 2017, the military drafted constitution, signed by the Thailand King Maha Vajiralongkorn, limited the power of political parties should elections be held and ensured military’s continuing control by giving the military power to appoint all 250-members of the Upper House.

The elections were called on 24 March 2019, in a highly unfavorable set up under the new constitution, with a continuing ban on political activities and crackdown on the opposition with laws including the charge of being hostile to the constitutional monarchy, Computer Crimes Act, and the Cyber Security Act.

Despite the opposition parties winning more seats, the incumbent Prime Minister General Prayuth Chan-ocha retained his cling on power. Thailand’s election in eight years which was billed as the return of democracy in the country was marred by allegations of systemic rigging, vote irregularities, questionable rulings by the military-appointed election commission, and the lengthy delay in announcing final tallies and seat-allocation computation formula.

The Future Forward Party (FWP)’s mandate of 80 seats in parliament, along with seat won by other pro-democracy parties, resonates the call of Thai citizenry for the return of democracy in the country.

The situation in post-election Thailand did not hint a return to proper democracy, protection of human rights, justified rule of law or stability, but continued repression of democracy and violations of human rights. These include the cases of threats and physical assault on pro-transparency activists Sirawith Seritiwat (Ja New) and Ekachai Hongkangwan; the case of the disappearance of activists Chucheep Chivasut, Siam Theerawut and Kritsana Thapthai; the case of Anurak Jeantawanich (Ford), who was charged with the controversial Computer Crime Acts, for having criticised the military junta through his social media posts on February 10, 2019; the case of FWP Leader Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, Secretary General Piyabutr Saengkanokkul, and Party Spokesperson Pannika Wanich, who were charged with various cases demonstrating harassment and intimidation of the political opposition.

A pending case against FWP Leader Thanathorn is in motion to strip him of  his status as Member of Parliament permanently. Similarly, a case against FWP, for having challenge the military government in the elections, is geared towards having the opposition party dissolved.

The case of Thailand underscores the shrinking of civic and political spaces, the intensifying repression of democratic forces, and the continuing violations of human rights in several countries in Asia, most evident in Thailand, the Philippines, Cambodia.

The Network for Social Democracy in Asia (Socdem Asia), a network of progressive parties in the region, asserts that democracy and socialism can only be fully realised not only by reforming the state but also by mainstreaming human rights and democracy in everyday life through vibrant civil society and engaged citizenry. 

Socdem Asia puts a spotlight on regimes that threaten democracy and human rights in the region. We call attention to the human rights violations against activists and repression of the opposition in Thailand.

Socdem Asia works together with its member Parties in the region and sister organisations around the world to combat populism and authoritarianism that threatens democracy and human rights.

Socdem Asia stands in solidarity with the Future Forward Party, along with democratic forces and human rights activists in Thailand.


Adopted this 29th of August 2019.

The Network for Social Democracy in Asia (Socdem Asia) trained communication and campaign officers from all over the region on political communications, polling, and data analysis from July 26-28 in Makati City, Philippines.

The Academy of Progressive Politics- Executive Course program gathered party officers from Indonesia, Malaysia, Timor Leste, Burma, Thailand, and the Philippines where they discussed with political campaign experts and reported on their experiences and accomplishments.

The course invited Kent Rowe of the Australian Labour International and Josel Gonzales, the chief of staff of Dinagat Island Gov. Kaka Bag-ao to discuss about winning campaign strategies in a panel on the first day.

Oya Arriola of public relations company Wise Owl talked to the participants about messaging and branding development. The participants were taught about how new political movements and actors have young, dynamic, and diverse messaging.

Kantar TNS head JV Villabroza shared about the latest strategies on polling and data analysis, including the new tools that political parties can use to harness data for effective campaigning strategies.

Gemma Mendoza, the research head of social news site Rappler, presented the case studies of disinformation in the Philippines and how political parties in Asia can combat fake news during election campaigns.

The Executive Course training also assists political parties with policies and education work to promote social democracy in the region.

The next course will tackle Political Strategy Development. ###

Socdem APP Executive Course 1: Ideas, Policy, and Education aims for a rethinking of social democracy in the rise of authoritarian and populist leaders. It challenges participants to evaluate how their proposed policies realize social democratic values and build a social welfare society. It looks at good practices and new innovations and tools can be incorporated in developing and further strengthening party education programs.

Leading the discussions on ideology are German social democratic thinker Professor Thomas Meyer, Filipino Feminist Professor Sylvia Estrada Claudio.  Philippine Commission on Human Rights Chairperson Luis Martin Gascon, UNI- Asia Pacific Regional Coordinator Christopher Ng share the challenges and learning for promoting the values of democracy and human rights, and the need for closer cooperation between political parties and the trade union movements, respectively.

Looking at country experiences, Antonia Verstappen of the New Zealand Labor shares New Zealand's shift to promoting development through the "Wellbeing Budget", while Professor Hasubullah Thabrani presents existing social welfare programs in Indonesia and how it can be expanded for greater coverage. Deputy Education Minister Nie Ching Teo, a member of Parliament from Democratic Action Party in Malaysia, and Member of Parliament-elect Martin Manurung from NasDem Party in Indonesia share their experiences in constituency building and party strengthening.

Indonesian capacity building trainor Gregorius Tjaidjadi and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung-Philippines Program Coordinator Augustus Cerdeba review and discuss classical and new trends and tools on education and training. While, Benedict Hugosson from the Social Democratic Party of Sweden gives a walk through of his Party's leadership and capacity building program for its members.

Course 1 took place in Denpasar, Indonesia last 28-30 June 2019. Course 2 of Socdem APP will focus on Party Campaign Strategy, Data Management, and Political Communications.

Now on it’s 5th batch, the Political Management Training for Young Progressives (PMT) once again convened young activists and politicians from all over Asia for 5 days of skills-building and knowledge-sharing across ideological and thematic topics. 

Representatives from social democratic parties in Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, South Korea, Thailand, and Timor-Leste met in Cebu City, Philippines to undergo trainings on progressive leadership, facilitation for social justice and political communications. 

"Create an equalized platform (for those without power). Give everybody access to the discussion. Otherwise, you are excluding their needs. The solutions won't be comprehensive, effective, and you miss the opportunity to cultivate solidarity," said Aimee Santos-Lyons, the speaker on Facilitation for Social Justice.

They also participated in sessions on comparative ideology, human rights, ASEAN, and labor and party relations. 

Adonis Elumbre, our speaker for Comparative Ideology said, "Some view ideologies as doctrinal, some see it as a way of thinking, a philosophy... Ideologies are very important, but they do not substitute for political realities." 

Most importantly, as young social democrats, the participants learned more about the history and principles of social democracy as well as social democratic welfare system. 

Asked about his reflections for the first cluster, Peter Soo from Democratic Action Party Malaysia mentioned how important important it is to have cultural exchanges. “From their experiences, we can learn what policies we can develop, and what else shouldn’t be forwarded,” he said.

 “I learned about the political situation of Asia and of different countries,” said Desca Daming of Partai Nasdem Indonesia. She said the highlight of Cluster 1 was the connection she made with other young leaders and that she’s thankful for the opportunity to experience international solidarity.

The young progressives are excited to meet again for Cluster 2 on October 8-13, 2019 in Manila, Philippines.